The Circular Firing Squad

The Marriage Amendment and the legalization of gay marriage is a gift that just keeps on giving.

Walter Hudson writes about the socialcon push to unseat Dave Fitzsimmons – I almost called it a “Fatwa” before catching myself – and its commentary about the state of the MNGOP in 2014.

First things first:  Fitzsimmons is a Tea Party and libertarian-conservative stalwart – a guy who ran on rock-ribbed libertarian-conservative principle, and delivered on it during his freshman term in the House.

Hudson:

Cycle after electoral cycle, activists pine for candidates who will stand on principle and do the right thing regardless of political consequence. Cycle after cycle, candidates claim they will meet that challenge and take bold action to serve their constituents. Cycle after cycle, voters remain disappointed by bland performances delivering lack-luster results.

Perhaps we get what we deserve. Perhaps we only say that we want bold statesman who will do the right thing without regard to their next election. Perhaps we actually reward bland performance while punishing aggressive leadership.

A case study presents in Wright County, where activist-turned-legislator David Fitzsimmons serves Minnesota House District 30B. This Saturday, Fitzsimmons will seek his party’s endorsement in the face of three challengers hoping to wrest it from him.

Two years ago, Fitzsimmons was a shoe-in for endorsement and handily defended a primary challenge before earning his freshman term. His victory seemed predestined, given the conservative leanings of his district and a well-earned reputation for effective activism on behalf of his party and its candidates.

Hudson notes that in a party full of talkers – myself included – Fitzsimmons is a do-er.  He’s a guy who’s actually made things happen; a long-time activist, he engineered Tom Emmer’s campaign up through the convention (before handing it off to less-successful management), and has been a founding chair of the GOP Liberty caucus.  He’s been a right-libertarian Godfather, including to Hudson himself:

Coming up through the Tea Party, I learned the ropes from candidates and activists who owed their political education to Fitzsimmons. His name became synonymous with expertise, hard work, and discernment. He blazed a trail of credibility which up-and-coming activists were able to follow into the Republican Party, growing its ranks and sharpening its conscience.

And, as Hudson notes, with that sort of resume he could have followed the usual Freshman route and made himself a very small target while he learned the Saint Paul ropes and built a political career.

But that’s not who David is. He didn’t go to Saint Paul to be something. He went there to do something. When the opportunity to make a difference presented itself, he seized it at great risk to his political future.

Long story short:

  1. With the collapse of the Marriage Amendment and the sweep to power of the DFL, the passage of a gay marriage statute was a foregone conclusion.
  2. Fitzsimmons – a gay marriage opponent – tried to offer an amendment that would have made same-sex marriage a matter of civil law, preserving clergy’s right to abstain from performing or recognizing same-sex marriages on religious grounds, thus protecting the First Amendment freedom of religion in a way the DFL wasn’t going to.

Hudson:

Democrats consented to the amendment. However, Fitzsimmons knew that his amendment could be stripped out of the final bill unless he sat on the conference committee which would reconcile the House and Senate versions. To ensure his place on that committee, he would have to vote for final passage.

Surely, he understood the political fallout which would occur in Wright County – likely the most conservative political district in the state – if he voted yes on final passage. He also understood that voting yes was the only way to ensure some protection of his constituents’ religious liberty.

As the vote for final passage took place, Fitzsimmons watched the vote totals to make sure his would not decide the question. Only once it was certain that the bill would pass did Fitzsimmons cast his vote for final passage, securing his place on the conference committee to preserve his amendment.

I’ve seen arguments over the mechanics of the amendment; I’ve seen none that convince me Fitzsimmons offered his amendment for reasons other than the ones Hudson detailed.

I’ve only been acquainted with one of Fitzsimmons’ challengers – Dayton city councilman Eric Lucero.  While I’m told Lucero is a capable enough activist, the first impression I took away was that he didn’t really speak to any issues beyond marriage (and information security), that he was fairly inarticulate about even those issues, and that he couldn’t possibly fill Fitzsimmons’ shoes.

And the propensity to judge an entire political career – a stellar one, one of the ones that needs to be emulated all over this state, one of the ones this nation is going to need thousands more of if it’s going to survive – by a disagreement over the mechanics rather than principles behind a single vote – is one of the Minnesota GOP’s biggest handicaps today.

District 30B’s activists have a chance to make a clear declaration on this, one way or another, at their convention.  Here’s hoping they choose wisely.

8 thoughts on “The Circular Firing Squad

  1. If the issue at hand wasn’t a bait and switch of the most low type, I might be persuaded, Mitch. As it stands, it’s necessary to purge the few GOP turncoats to teach the Democrats some humility.

  2. That’s one way of looking at it.

    There may be Republicans worth turning out. I don’t believe Fitz is one of them.

    I mean, if Thomas Sowell moved to Wright County and got into the race, that’d be one thing. Fitz’s net positives, near as I can see, far outweigh his negatives, even if you take the amendment as a negative.

  3. Conservatives with libertarian leanings should consider same-sex marriage an imposition on individual liberty. Same-sex couples will enjoy benefits given them by the state, not individuals acting in free association. All will be required to recognize same-sex marriages despite their individual wishes, or withdraw completely from the public sphere. Same-sex marriage, as it currently stands, reduces the liberty of individuals and empowers the state.

  4. PM,

    I don’t disagree.

    I also don’t think Fitzsimmons’ BPOU is right to tube him over the issue.

  5. I think that we need to stop expending energy on the 2012 election. It’s over. All the correction in the world right now will accomplish nothing for us, but might provide the left with some instructive entertainment.

    Those of a conservative inclination should start working on an election that could use additional attention; the next one. We should focus on taking our political enemies to task and leave our own candidates and office-holders alone – at least in public.

    Of all the losses of the 2012 election, the homosexual marriage issue probably was the most reflective of the electorate’s true feelings. Like it or not, this issue may not be the hill to draw blood on, assuming drawing blood on a hilltop is considered to be advisable (which I personally don’t).

  6. It is worth bearing in mind that more people voted for the marriage amendment than against it. Memories seem to fade…

  7. Everything I’ve heard about Fitzsimmons tells me he’s basically a good guy. I’m not trying to say otherwise, he’s certainly not in the scumbag league where Brodkorb plays, but he’s effed up. And it’s more than just sexual deviants getting their way.This issue has bigger implications.

    The Demorrhoids lied to the voters. Then they went ahead and implemented the plan. It’s the same thing Obama did with O-care. If we don’t make them pay for it, why would they not do it whenever they please? Sadly, a few misguided Repub’s got sucked in…collateral damage, as it were.

  8. I’m hard pressed to see much difference between what some activists in 30B are trying to do to David Fitzsimmons and what other activists in CD2 are trying to do to John Kline. Except that one is considered a “political lynching” and the other is a considered “holding the incumbent accountable.”

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